German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder tries to take a stand against the war -- and keep the American door open, reports Tom Schimmeck in Berlin Times are tough for German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder, now in his fifth year of government. The German economy -- Europe's largest -- is slowing down and approaching a level of zero-growth. More than four million people are unemployed, and Germany's much-praised welfare system is rapidly running out of money. People expect a miracle, but as they don't believe in miracles, support for Schroeder's Social Democratic Party (SDP) has dropped to an all-time low, the lowest since 1945. The only thing Chancellor Schroeder feels comfortable about these days is his stance on Iraq. His position became stronger last year, while he was fighting for both peace and re- election, but in summer his defeat seemed imminent. By shifting the focus of his rhetoric, however, he managed to achieve a turnaround. Schroeder had initially promised the US "unlimited solidarity" after 11 September, then adding, "but we won't be party to adventures." That was a major shock for Germany, whose close ties to Washington have been the signature tune of foreign policy for decades. Schroeder, the new peace activist, soon came under unfriendly fire from the conservative opposition, and even from large numbers of the liberal press. But he stood firm saying, "every conceivable option for avoiding war must be exhausted." The timing was right. The majority of Germans, although still deeply moved by the attacks on the World Trade Center, no longer trusted the Texas-style approach to the problems of world terrorism. Belief in the wisdom of US President George W Bush, who exhibited little respect for international negotiations and treaties from day one, declined rapidly. Few were willing to buy the idea that the US's desire for "regime change" in Iraq is fuelled by its longing for world peace. But it was the impending war that made things happen for Schroeder. He won the election by a very narrow margin last September. His stance against war in Iraq delivered just the right number of voters to save his government. He quickly tried to prove he was still a solid ally, reminding all that one of the first things the SPD/Green Party coalition did in 1998 was to wage war against Serbia's Slobodan Milosevic -- together with both NATO and US. And a difficult decision it was too for this new red/green alliance to make 43 years after World War II -- both parties being traditionally pacifist. Support from Berlin was even stronger when the US went to war against the Taliban and Al- Qa'eda in Afghanistan. German forces, together with the Dutch, are currently in command in Kabul, and Schroeder never misses an opportunity to illustrate the depth of Germany's commitment to the war against terror. German courts recently pronounced tough sentences on Islamic extremists; Mounir Motassadeq, a Moroccan student who became involved with Al-Qa'eda pilot Mohamed Atta while studying in Hamburg, was sentenced to 15 years in prison in February, while this week in Frankfurt four Algerians were sentenced to between 10 and 12 years in prison for planning an attack on a Christmas market in the French town of Strasbourg. But how much of this is based on tactics and how much on conviction? Though not known for strong principles and morale, Schroeder possesses a social democratic core that is deeply averse to the politics and style of Bush and his administration. Personal ties between the two leaders have been bad from the start. Schroeder and former US President Bill Clinton had an amiable relationship, while Clinton's Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer -- a former left-wing activist and co-founder of the Green Party -- seemed even closer. Current relations are markedly different, with no love lost between the two sides. While the Germans are becoming more and more appalled by Washington's rough ride, the US government feels deeply insulted by what seems an increasingly untrustworthy Germany. US Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, a man with German roots, lumped Germany in with Libya and Cuba as the main opponents of an American war on Iraq, while offering biting remarks about the inadequacies of "Old Europe". The relationship degenerated even further when, in January, Schroeder tried to use the issue of the impending war to win another regional election -- this time with no success. Suddenly the only impending issue was the total isolation of Germany. Again Schroeder's critics hammered him for allowing his own country to be backed into a corner, but the diplomatic sands shifted quickly. In January, when France and Germany celebrated 40 years of reconciliation, Schroeder and French President Jacques Chirac managed to patch up their slightly deteriorated alliance. Like their predecessors, both leaders regard their countries as the very heart of Europe, and the rejection of US war plans provided them with much-needed common ground. When the Russians -- who had supported all aspects of the US war on terror in exchange for a carte blanche vis-à-vis the war in Chechnya -- then sided with Germany and France, Schroeder suddenly had two powers of veto at his side. This does not include the Chinese who, in diplomatic terms, are a different kettle of fish. This constellation is referred to by American as "the axis of weasels". Bush is now left with the conservative government of Spain, the shady political talent of Italy's Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, a handful of born-again Eastern European governments eager to show that they are really heading West, and, of course, his staunchest ally, the island kingdom of Tony Blair, haunted these days by political earthquakes. The political terrain is still difficult for Schroeder to traverse. Ultimately he does not want to be viewed as the saviour of Saddam Hussein, and he also remains unable to prevent the Americans from going to war or meddling in the Middle East. The transcontinental rift is also adversely affecting the atmosphere within NATO and the European Union. Whatever happens, the relationship between the US and Germany -- Europe's largest economic force -- will have to be repaired in due course, although at the moment, Schroeder is unlikely to go to Washington. His bridge to better relations with the US will probably be Tony Blair. Despite the fact that the UK and Germany harbour different views with regard to Iraq, relations between Berlin and London are still quite strong. In terms of popularity, Schroeder's opposition to the war is not paying off at home. A vast majority of the German population supports his position, but domestic problems are taking centre stage, and his popularity is at its lowest ebb since he came to power.
