Tomorrow, Friday, is the second anniversary of the 25 January Revolution, a revolution that was unique in its peacefulness and idealism. But the anniversary of the revolution comes amid divisions in our ranks, a division that pits the Islamist current, now in government, against the civil current, now in opposition. The division has deepened since the constitutional declaration of 22 November 2012 and the subsequent manner in which the constitution was written and put to a referendum. Now the regime and the opposition — once partners in the revolution — are locked in conflict. The fact that the regime won a vote of 63.8 per cent on the referendum failed to alleviate the sense of bitterness on both sides. Egypt, throughout its history, has enjoyed geographic, ethnic and cultural harmony, enhanced by a legacy of pacifism. The only exception to this rule is seen in times of turbulence, when the nation rises against a despot or an occupier. But neither the worst of despots nor the most brutal of occupiers has ever managed to turn Egyptians against one another. This inherent unity as a country is what consolidated its status as a leader among nations. The more this unity disintegrates, the worse are the internal and external perils it will encounter. You may recall that the British invasion of 1882 happened because of divisions caused by the Orabi revolt. The 70-year occupation that followed was a heavy price to pay for a few months of disturbances. Let's keep this in mind as we contemplate the current scene of chaos in the country, a scene that can only propagate weakness, both internally and externally. Many people were optimistic when Mohamed Morsi took power a few months ago. As Morsi toured world capitals, spoke at various forums, and pledged a foreign policy that would consolidate stability in the region and the world, a mood of hope developed. During the latest crisis in Gaza, Egypt made it clear that it supported the Palestinians, then successfully negotiated a ceasefire between Hamas and Israel. This was a sign that the country was acting from a position of confidence, a position stemming from its inherent stability. Then the constitutional declaration swept all of this away. In the midst of the protests, sit-ins and street clashes that followed, nascent optimism gave way to self-doubt and disillusion. For a country to have an effective foreign policy it must be united at home. Domestic bickering is not conducive to the smooth functioning of various institutions, especially those of foreign relations. As the country is sucked into a vortex of domestic differences, its credibility erodes and its defenses disintegrate.Take, for example, what is happening on our southern front, where Ethiopia is planning a series of dams that, once completed, may deprive us of up to 20 per cent of our water resources. Consider, too, the fact that most countries of the Nile Valley have signed the Entebbe Agreement, which ignores the historical rights of Egypt and Sudan to the Nile waters. With international involvement in the Nile Valley growing, and Sudan split in two, the perils to Egypt can hardly be ignored. The Morsi administration has taken considerable interest in the Palestinian issue, but the hard work is still ahead. Palestine has recently won observer status in the UN, but this will not change the lot of Palestinians at home. As President Mahmoud Abbas said, “we have won a state, but on the ground the authority is collapsing.”The Israeli land grab, coupled with the deadlock in peace talks, cast doubt on the feasibility of the two-state solution, forcing the disturbing question: is this the end game? Is Israel using the turmoil in Egypt and the region to liquidate the Palestinian issue? Other perils are closer to home, such as the smuggling of arms, narcotics and people, all now common across the borders with Libya and Gaza. Now let's take a look at the economy, where Egypt's credit rating is being lowered, the IMF is hesitant to offer a loan, and investors are wary of committing themselves to future projects pending signs of stability. In short, Egypt is going to lose much, both at home and abroad, unless a modicum of national reconciliation is achieved, unless we reach agreement on our shared principles. The Egyptian president, speaking 29 December, called on various political groups to hold a national dialogue under his direct sponsorship, which is a positive step. For this dialogue to succeed, the gap of mistrust separating the government and the opposition needs to be bridged. All measures must be taken to defuse present tensions and stop campaigns of mutual slander. In his Friday sermon at Al-Azhar on 28 December, Sheikh Youssef Al-Karadawi added weight to this argument when he told the congregation that Egypt's liberals and seculars were not atheists and that tolerance and national dialogue were indispensable to our future. This is the message that politicians, journalists, clergymen, scientists and intellectuals need to embrace. Egypt needs a national council of all of the above, a national committee of wise men, whose mission is to restore unity and promote tolerance. Let's set aside narrow political interests and focus on the basics, on the shared legacy of values and principles that such a committee must emphasise. Democracy is our only choice. We need a democracy in which the majority doesn't intimidate the minority, and nor does the minority denigrate the majority. The opposition must monitor the government's performance, point out its failings and propose alternative solutions. Then we must leave the final decision to the people. The writer is editor-in-chief of Al-Siyassa Al-Dawliya.
