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Little matchbox, lots of spark
Published in Al-Ahram Weekly on 29 - 12 - 2005

How Al-Jazeera helped usher in some of the on and off screen changes that took place in Egypt in 2005
The Egyptian government has never been a huge Al-Jazeera fan. When President Hosni Mubarak visited the channel's headquarters in Qatar a few years ago, he cynically remarked, "all this trouble from a matchbox". Today, with more viewers and greater credibility than ever before, the channel is the most watched news broadcaster in the region. On an international level, its coverage has drawn so much criticism and controversy that US President George W Bush reportedly proposed bombing its headquarters.
Judging from the channel's coverage of events in Egypt throughout 2005, it's easy to see just how much of a "nuisance" Al-Jazeera can be. On 7 September, the same day the president won Egypt's first multi-candidate election, Al-Jazeera's Cairo bureau hosted veteran political commentator Mohamed Hassanein Heikal, well known for his anti-Mubarak stances. Banned by the government from appearing on state-run TV or private Cairo-based channels, Heikal reiterated his anti-Mubarak stance and cast doubts on the president's highly publicised pledges for democratic reform.
As many Egyptians tuned in to watch the Heikal interview, state-run TV channels stubbornly insisted that the vote was a "historic moment". No mention was made of the anti-Mubarak demonstrations staged by Kifaya in Cairo to protest the polls, nor was there any reference to calls by the opposition to boycott what they slammed as a well-staged process to keep Mubarak in power.
A similar disparity in media coverage was apparent during the three- round parliamentary elections that kicked off on 9 November. While Al-Jazeera and Egyptian TV channels deployed a number of correspondents around the country, the state-run channels made no mention of the violence that marred the electoral process in various constituencies. Al-Jazeera -- and other independent media -- broadcast footage showing voters with faces covered with blood, and thugs waving machetes while policemen looked on. Al-Jazeera carried a press conference during which judges declared there had been rampant rigging at the polls, and police interference that prevented many from casting their votes.
The coverage stifled official attempts by the state-run stations to deny -- or disregard -- the electoral violations. It also triggered a wave of world condemnations by human rights groups and both the US and the EU. In the end, Mubarak himself admitted, during a speech to the newly elected parliament last week, that the elections had witnessed what he referred to as "negative aspects" that he pledged to address.
"Al-Jazeera has initiated a transformation in Egyptian society. We would not have known about these violations if it wasn't for Al-Jazeera," remarked Salama Ahmed Salama, a prominent Al-Ahram columnist. Cementing its influence, Al-Jazeera has gained popularity in poor and remote areas throughout Egypt, thanks to cheap cable and satellite TV links. "Why should I continue watching the Egyptian channels, which keep telling me everything is fine in elections, for example, despite the fact that 13 people were killed in the process?" asked Khaled Bahaa, a translator at a private bank. Bahaa declared Al-Jazeera his favourite channel of 2005.
In spite of its burgeoning popularity, the channel is still criticised by some Egyptian analysts for its sensational, intimidating, and at times unsubstantiated, news. However, given its extensive coverage of Egyptian events in 2005, analysts and observers alike tend to agree that the Doha- based channel has become a leading vehicle for the country's budding reform movements. According to a new report by the US Institute of Peace, a US-funded think tank, Al-Jazeera's popularity has given rise to more than 100 satellite channels in the region since its 1996 launch. Together, they constitute what many see as the most dynamic force for political change in the Middle East. "Inadvertently or not, they offer a locus for the Arab street to vent, formulate and discuss public affairs. They bring Arabs closer together, breaking taboos and generally competing with each other and their respective governments for the news agenda. All in all, Arab satellite stations have pushed ajar the door of democracy and flanked state monopoly on media," the report said.
Responding to the rising wave of activism in Egypt, Al-Jazeera Live, a C-SPAN-like public affairs channel that is one of the network's spin-offs, has run key opposition incidents on air. For the first time perhaps Egyptians watched in amazement the live broadcast of downtown demonstrations against the government. Aida Seif Al-Dawla, a prominent human rights activist, confirmed that Al-Jazeera was one way for opposition figures to find a link to people on the street.
Needless to say, such satellite dynamism comes at a price. In November, Ahmed Mansour, host of a prominent Al-Jazeera talk show, was brutally beaten by two men in front of his Cairo office, just as he was about to begin interviewing Wafd Party Chairman Noaman Gomaa, the spokesman for the United National Front for Change. In May, police briefly detained eight of Al-Jazeera employees for attempting to broadcast a much- publicised meeting at the Cairo Judges' Club. A noticeable contingent of plainclothes security officers can usually be seen hovering around the entrance of the channel's downtown Cairo offices.
Despite such ominous signs, if there is a lesson to be learned from the Al-Jazeera effect in Egypt in 2005, it is that the government is no longer able to dictate how the public will perceive events. Osama El-Ghazali Harb, of Al-Ahram's Centre for Political and Strategic Studies, has referred to Egyptian TV as "the very worst in state-controlled, dictatorial media." After the 17 April explosion in Al-Azhar, Al-Jazeera was quick to report the bombing, hosting analysts who commented on the event's significance of hours before state television provided coverage of the bombing, and only scrapped-together and edited versions of MBC's coverage of the incident at that. According to the independent newspaper Al-Masry Al-Yom, the state-run TV news director had his mobile phone switched off, and thus could not authorise the broadcast.
Analysts say Al-Jazeera has made a considerable impact on Egyptian media, which has come under increasing pressure to reform. Saddled with problems of inefficiency, over-employment and corruption, state-run TV -- created in 1960 and currently employing some 37,000 -- looks like a dinosaur when compared to Al-Jazeera, which was launched in 1996 with some 200 staffers. The numbers make clear just how much fuss this "matchbox" has managed to kick up. "Any development witnessed in terrestrial channels, which the government still maintains a firm grip on, is thanks to Al-Jazeera," said Ayman El-Sayad, managing editor of the monthly Weghet Nazar magazine.
Abdel-Latif El-Menawi, a journalist with no previous ties to government-affiliated media, was recently appointed as state-run TV's new news sector chief. Other independent voices and several opposition figures have also been allowed access into the state-run medium to present their critical views of the government, apparently ending decades of the ruling National Democratic Party's monopoly of the airwaves. However, there are still significant restrictions, and the medium remains all but closed to untamed opposition groups, including the outlawed-yet-tolerated Muslim Brotherhood, which has 88 seats in parliament. "We will try to restore viewers trust in us," El-Menawi said. "However, the fact that TV is state-run still has to be taken into consideration."
Which means that for now, Al-Jazeera is probably not too worried about losing many Egyptian viewers.
By Mustafa El-Menshawy


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