This is a time for confrontation, and the countdown has started. On one side of the showdown, there is a group of people who see this as a political battle against an elected president who is clearly unfit to govern, and whose presence in office can undermine the very foundations of the Egyptian state. This is the group that backs the no-confidence signature campaign and that calls for early elections as the only way out of the current ordeal. Then there is the group that construes the conflict in religious terms, and that sees anyone challenging Morsi's authority as a heathen. For them, the current president is in charge of an “Islamic project” culminating in the revival of the caliphate. For them, only infidels can ask a Muslim ruler to step down, and such infidels must be fought back and killed if necessary. There is a sense of trepidation in this country, and one that is not unjustified. A few days ago, Al-Gamaa Al-Islamiya organised a rally in Minya in which one of its leaders, Assem Abdel-Maged, claimed that the protests planned for 30 June constitute a “conspiracy against Islam”. According to Abdel-Maged, those taking part in the protests are apostates, and the confrontation with them is similar to the Battle of Badr, in which the early Muslims defeated the polytheists of Mecca. Only days before the Minya rally, Islamist factions organised another rally in Cairo Stadium, one that was attended by President Mohamed Morsi. The ostensible aim of the rally was to “support the Syrian people” but its true aim was to intimidate the Tamarod (Rebel) campaign, which called for the 30 June protests. Fierce threats were made in this rally as well. Last Friday, the same factions put together a “million-man” rally in front of the Rabaa Al-Adawiya Mosque. While embracing the slogan “No to Violence”, the participants made some of the most violent threats so far against anyone who dares protest on 30 June against “the Muslim president and his Islamist project”. The frightful thing about the “million-man” gathering is that it made it clear that Al-Gamaa Al-Islamiya has abandoned its renunciation of violence and gone back to embracing violence. This group would have us believe that the Islamic states of the past were created by the sword and that this experience can be repeated in today's world. Even more disturbing is the fact that the rest of the Islamist factions, including the Muslim Brotherhood, appear to be mere followers of Al-Gamaa Al-Islamiya, which is clearly leading the pack. Al-Gamaa, one is led to believe, is about to lead the battalions of mujahideen in a holy war to establish an Islamic state in Egypt, in preparation for the revival of the caliphate. Such scenes are clearly designed to discourage and intimidate those who call for demonstrations on 30 June. They are meant to scare the large section of Egyptians who are not active members in political parties and movements; namely, the “silent majority”. But this is not going to work. And here is why: - The venerable Al-Azhar, led by the honourable Sheikh Ahmed Al-Tayeb, has issued a statement refuting all the allegations of the hardline Islamists, thus removing any doubt about the religious appropriateness of the 30 June demonstrations. The home of true religious scholars, Al-Azhar is unequal in its knowledge of the Quran and the Prophet's teachings, and its word (unlike that of the preachers-cum-politicians) is final. - Several of the Islamist factions, including the Salafist Nour Party, refused to take part in the “million-man” gathering. Some, such as the Abul-Fotouh-led Strong Egypt Party, even embraced the demands of Tamarod for early elections and decided to take part in the 30 June protests. - Growing segments of the “silent majority” have become convinced that Morsi is unfit to run the country at this juncture, as his presence is bound to increase tensions and polarisation. Morsi has missed out on many chances to act as a president for all Egyptians, rather than the point man of the Muslim Brotherhood in the presidential palace. Currently he is using terrorist groups to protect him from a nation determined to prevent him from further imperilling the country. - Defence Minister Abdel-Fattah Al-Sisi on Sunday gave various factions a one-week ultimatum to reach a consensus, adding that the army will have to step in to protect the nation from all threats. The remarks have brought back the army into the scene as a major player and ultimate protector of the state's institutions and safety. Amid the turmoil, here is still a glimmer of hope. Many believe that the time is right to correct the course of the revolution, take it back from those who hijacked it, and give it to the entire nation. On 30 June, the nation will take to the streets to demand that Morsi leaves office and to call for new presidential elections. The intimidation and the accusations of apostasy are not going to stop this from happening. Morsi is unlikely give in to pressure at once, which means that the protesters will have to stay in the streets, just as they did on 25 January. The success of this “corrective revolution” will depend on several things: - The peacefulness of the protests. The demonstrations should remain peaceful, regardless of all provocations, and the protesters must refrain from assaulting public buildings, including Al-Ittihadiya Palace. - The numbers of the protesters, and their willingness to stay in the streets until their demands — especially the call for early elections — are met. - The manner in which Morsi and his allied factions react. It is best for them to avoid violence and to appreciate the urgency of the notice the nation is giving them. The faster Morsi agrees to early elections the less damaging this situation is likely to become. This is perhaps the formula that the army is hoping will emerge, and the one it gave everyone a week to agree on. - A clear understanding of what's ahead. The youth, who are the true leaders of this movement, must be clear on what needs to be done. They must form a unified “field command” to ensure that the protests will maintain their momentum and to deal with the logistics of keeping the crowds in the streets. They must also keep open lines of communication with all groups calling for early elections. They must make sure that no party is going to monopolise this revolutionary act. The youth may also wish to form a “council of commissioners” to ensure that the corrective revolution remains peaceful, and to keep out saboteurs and opportunists. The youth needs to take charge and learn from previous mistakes. And we must trust in them and keep our hopes up. May Egypt be safe, forever.
