What kind of state do we want to build? This question has grown increasingly urgent in light of events since 30 June. Do we want a modern democratic state structured to reflect and put into effect a value system founded on the rule of law and the respect of the principles and fundamental rights of citizenship? Or do we want to continue with the tradition of the incomplete state in which the rule of law is marginalised, institutionalisation is weak and there is an inability — and perhaps lack of willingness — to realise the principle of public participation in policy design and decision-making processes? Do we want a state that gives society and its institutions a role in government or are we set on persisting with the paternalistic state and its perpetual failure? Do we seek a modern state that is consistent with Egypt's civilisational and historical depth as one of the most ancient nations on earth? Or do we want to continue to trail in the procession of weak developing nations? Do we want to take the fullest possible advantage of this moment of political transition ushered in by the grassroots revolution of 25 January and to take it where the 25 January movement has so far been unable to lead us, which is to sweeping and comprehensive political, economic and social reform? Or are we to remain content, trapped within a restricted space for reform? To answer these questions, which the current phase and the recent 30 June movement force upon us, we need to study the Egyptian experience during the past year of Muslim Brotherhood rule so as to grasp the lessons it has to offer, especially with respect to beginning a process of democratic transformation. Of course, such a process is not solely contingent on the will or desire of a particular political faction. It is governed by numerous factors, foremost amongst which is the state of social and national development, whether at the material level, as reflected in the institutions of the state, or at the intellectual level, as reflected in the degree of sophistication of the philosophy that shapes the form of government and the administration of the affairs of the people. However, it is also true that we are at a unique historical stage in which we are redefining and reformulating the orientations and courses for building the Egyptian state. At such a moment, advancement of the process of democratic transformation is the only way forward. Such a process must be anchored in a legal mechanism that guarantees a just and equitable distribution of authorities among diverse institutions and individuals, and that ensures a constant dynamism that enables the development of public polices that will promote the development of a society founded on the principles of participation and citizenship. This is why this moment in which we are drafting constitutional amendments and defining the philosophy and vision for the nature of the Egyptian state is so crucial. When the amendments are put to a popular referendum, Egypt will face the first critical test of the extent of popular approval of the democratic nature of the system and the foundations upon which to build. The constitutional amendments can be the first major step towards the development of a modern democratic state, one that guarantees essential civic freedoms and liberties, that fulfils the demands and aspirations of the people, that opens horizons for ongoing development and advancement. However, we must also bear in mind that the socio-political environment is rife with restrictions and deficiencies produced by the considerable political fluidity of the current phase, the palpable weakness of political groups and sharp social polarisation. To compound these difficulties, there is the pressure of time; namely, the deadline for completing the roadmap to the future. The people are, therefore, faced with enormous challenges. It is they who have the ultimate power to pass or reject the constitutional amendments and, if passed, to proceed to the election of a new parliament and a new head of state. All such decisions affect the costs of the processes of reform and construction. Remember that bringing down Muslim Brotherhood rule after a year meant beginning the transitional phase over again. This, in turn, added to the economic and social strains and burdens of the poorer and marginalised segments of society in particular. The costs were also reflected in the continuing weakness of the components of the state. All the foregoing combined means that the luxury of choice at a time of an indistinct political vision among the public and the lack of maturity of political forces could engender more instability and, hence, further inability to build and progress. In view of the importance and the difficulty of the current phase, it is necessary to establish a set of cornerstones that will support the development of the modern state. These principles will shed light on many of the aspects of the current situation, inclusive of the constitutional amendment drafting process, government performance and the laws and legislation that are being formulated, and they will serve as a test of the current transitional phase in general. They are five: The first pertains to value systems and, specifically, the need to reassess the political culture of the people and political leaders with an eye to effecting a transition from the logic and attitudes of a caretaker society, in which the people remain passive recipients, to one based on the spirit of initiative. Such a shift seeks to stimulate the proactive drive of members of society, individually and collectively, in order to release human energies and optimise their use. The process, known as “human investment”, is best realised in a social, economic and political climate that is open, democratic and fully grounded in the principles of equality and participation. In addition, such a shift will be conducive to the formulation of a national identity in which religious/ideological visions and controversies will not have the space to propel society towards division and fragmentation. The second cornerstone is the principle of equality, and specifically equal citizenship. The concept of citizenship is integral to the development of the modern democratic state, as has been explained by Rex Biynem through his delineation of the constituent ideas and principles of the concept: - Citizenship as a basis for political legitimacy: The citizen is not just endowed with individual rights. He/she possesses a portion of political sovereignty and, hence, is a source of authority and confers legitimacy on governments. - The citizen as a source of social relations: Communal life imposes on the people sets of equal rights and duties that are essentially founded on the principle of equal dignity for all. - Citizenship as a basis for building the modern nation state: The process of assimilation into a nation state rests in acceptance of the cultural and ethnic plurality in society and it is anchored in a legal foundation that establishes full equality among the people in that society and guarantees for their civil, political and socioeconomic rights in order to safeguard that equality and enhance political participation. The third cornerstone is economic and entails the ability to formulate policies that promote the creation of opportunities, market mechanisms, the spirit of responsibility, social justice and sound administration among the various economic institutions. It also entails the development of a legal framework that safeguards the principle of competitiveness by opening the avenues for ongoing development, engagement of the skills and knowhow needed to achieve progress and the ongoing development of science and research that form the basis of the available skills and knowhow needed for progress. The fourth cornerstone is to establish political democracy, which entails the provision of a margin of freedom for expression and participation. This, in turn, is contingent on the practical implementation of the rule of law and the institutionalisation of government so as to minimise the personalisation of leadership and policy design. The fifth cornerstone is to reduce social tension by forging a real climate of political plurality capable of accommodating social diversity as embodied in civic and civil society organisations. The greater the scope of freedom that these bodies enjoy, and the more effective they are, the greater are their prospects for alleviating the strains on government and propelling the democratic transformation process forward. In view of this, we must reformulate our vision with regard to the role and functions of civil society organisations in order to stimulate their proliferation and dynamism. The foregoing cornerstones underscore the need to see the current phase as a moment for forging the future against a backdrop of considerable government weakness and much socio-political fluidity and, indeed, anarchy as the result of the revolutionary condition that has imposed its pace and features on Egyptian society. Certainly the moral chaos and society's inability to develop, which are part of this backdrop, require a restructuring of the patterns of social interaction through the reorganisation of its institutions in a manner that will enable it to revive its civilisational dynamism and its latent assets as preconditions for the reconstruction of society and the state. In this regard, we should note certain demands of the current phase that should be taken into account in the process of drafting the current constitutional amendments. In view of the confusion and difficulties, it is not sufficient to merely speak of democracy and the means to promote it or even to adopt democratic forms of interaction. There must be a drive to create a democratic political structure capable of giving root to its values and culture. Towards this end, the political community must forge a minimal level of cohesion, adopt a sense of responsibility towards society, and develop channels of communication with the people that will enable them to better grasp the ideas and demands of reform and development. If it is necessary at the current stage to sustain mass mobilisation and to propel the people to assume their responsibility, it is equally essential that the people sense the importance of the integral relationship between democracy and citizenship and the development of the modern democratic state. It is impossible to conceive of a democracy without the effective actualisation of the principle of citizenship, which rests on a cultural system that espouses rational dialogue, mutual acceptance and tolerance. It is equally impossible to conceive that the principle of full citizenship can be attained in anything but a truly democratic environment. The writer is editor-in-chief of the monthly magazine Ahwal Masriya
